US-China relations

The now-dubbed ‘Indo-Pacific’ region has emerged as a key focus of the United States’ (US) foreign policy, especially after the announcement of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy in 2019. In pursuit of this, the US is not only building multilateral alliances and partnerships but also encouraging bilateral intra-regional ones. Japan, India, and Australia are key US partners in the Indo-Pacific region. Revamping of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and signing of the ‘Australia United Kingdom and the United States’ (AUKUS) pact in 2021 show that the US is quite keen to enhance its engagement with the regional countries.

In this regard, earlier this year on 6th January, 2022, Japan and Australia signed the ‘Facilitation of Reciprocal Access and Cooperation between the Self Defence Forces of Japan and Australian Defence Forces’, commonly known as the ‘Japan-Australia RAA’. The RAA aims to provide a framework for increased defence cooperation between the two countries in years to come. It is the first-ever defence cooperation agreement that would pave the way for interoperability between their militaries. The agreement is aimed at bolstering their security relations in the larger context of a secure and stable Indo-Pacific region. 

RAA is Japan’s first-ever agreement with any country besides the US with which it has had a mutual defence cooperation agreement known as the ‘Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security’ since 1960. As a result, the US forces are permanently deployed in Japan, including its 7th fleet which is based in Yokosuka.

Under RAA, a very special focus is given to the rapid deployment of Japanese and Australian forces. The scope of cooperation also includes working on defence and humanitarian support missions where both the countries agreed to work together to tackle regional security challenges. Some of the broader areas of cooperation as identified in the RAA also include strengthening government and business partnerships in the domains of clean energy and critical technologies and materials. Both countries also endorsed the significance of QUAD and seek to expand their cooperation with India and the US to promote stability and prosperity in the region. 

The Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison asserted that ‘this landmark treaty would open a new chapter of defence and security cooperation between two countries in the complex and rapidly changing world.’ Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, termed it as a ‘breakthrough’ and a ‘landmark’ agreement, under which security cooperation between the two sides would reach new heights.

The US has also recently launched its Indo-Pacific Trade Pact (IPTP) involving 12 countries of the Pacific region, including the QUAD countries. These countries account for 40% of the global GDP and aims to strengthen their economies against the backdrop of inflation in the region. It is worth mentioning that the main theme under which the two countries are building cooperation is the broader notion of a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’; an idea already glorified during the QUAD Summits of March and September 2021. In the 2022 QUAD Summit, which took place just recently in Japan, the key agenda was the increasing Chinese foothold in the region.

On the other hand,  the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson has maintained that the RAA cooperation should not harm the interests of a third party and that the ‘Pacific is not a place to make waves’. China has contested the US’ 2019 ‘Indo-Pacific Strategy and  maintained that it is bound to fail. Beijing has also been critical of the IPTP move and termed it a ‘political weapon’ of the US to ‘coerce the regional countries to take sides between China and the US on economic means.’

One may argue that revamping the QUAD mechanism, the AUKUS pact, the RAA between Japan and Australia and now the US’ latest Economic Pact suggest that the once Asia-Pacific region has now become more significant for international security than ever before. While the US, being a leading country in such arrangements, is quite keen to build and deepen regional alliances and partnerships, a definitive underlying reason is the fact that Washington sees Beijing as a dangerous strategic competitor.

Clearly, the US is expanding its influence in the Indo-Pacific region in various forms and dimensions. Its ‘Indo-Pacific Strategy’ is aimed at countering China. In this regard, the RAA is also in line with the QUAD and AUKUS arrangements and are all well-calculated signals to contain China. The major focus of the US is expanding its engagement with regional partners instead of having direct military confrontation with Beijing.

Haris Bilal Malik is a researcher at the Centre for Aerospace & Security Studies (CASS), Islamabad, Pakistan. He can be reached at [email protected].


Share this article

Facebook
Twitter
LinkedIn

Recent Publications

Browse through the list of recent publications.

The Cover-up: IAF Narrative of the May 2025 Air Battle

Even after one year since the India-Pakistan May war of 2025, the Indian discourse regarding Operation Sindoor remains uncertain under its pretence of restraint. The Pahalgam attack on 22 April, which killed 26 people, triggered an escalatory spiral. New Delhi quickly accused Pakistan-linked elements, while Islamabad refuted the allegation and demanded an independent investigation. On 7 May, India launched attacks deep inside Pakistan under what it later termed as Operation Sindoor. The political motive was intended to turn the crisis into coercive signalling by shifting the blame onto the enemy and projecting a sense of military superiority.
This episode, however, began to fray immediately as war seldom follows the intended script. Within minutes PAF shot down 7 IAF aircraft including 4 Rafales. On 8 May, Reuters reported that at least two Indian aircraft were shot down by a Pakistani J-10C, while the local government sources reported other aircraft crashes in Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir

Read More »

Why the IAF’s Post-Sindoor Spending Surge is a Sign of Panic

After Operation Sindoor, India is spending billions of dollars on new weapons. This is being taken by many people as an indication of military prowess. It is not. This rush to procure weapons is in fact an acknowledgement that the Air Force in India had failed to do what it was meant to do. The costly jets and missiles that India had purchased over the years failed to yield the promised results.

Sindoor was soon followed by India in sealing the gaps which the operation had exposed. It was reported that Indian Air Force (IAF) is looking to speed up its purchases of more than 7 billion USD. This will involve other Rafale fighter jets with India already ordering 26 more Rafales to the Navy in 2024 at an estimated cost of about 3.9 billion USD. India is also seeking long-range standoff missiles, Israeli loitering munitions and increased drone capabilities. Special financial powers of the Indian military were activated to issue emergency procurement orders. The magnitude and rate of these purchases speak volumes.

Indian media and defence analysts have over the years considered the Rafale as a game changer. When India purchased 36 Rafales aircrafts at an approximate cost of 8.7 billion USD, analysts vowed that the aircraft would provide India with air superiority over Pakistan. Operation Sindoor disproved all those allegations. Indian aircraft did not even fly in Pakistani airspace when the fighting started. India solely depended on standoff weapons that were launched at a safe distance. The air defence system of Pakistan, comprising of the HQ-9 surface-to-air missile system and its own fighters, stood its ground.

Read More »

May 2025: Mosaic Warfare and the Myth of Centralised Air Power

Visualise a modern-day Air Force commander sitting in the operations room, miles away from the combat zone, overseeing every friendly and enemy aircraft and all assets involved in the campaign. In a split second, he can task a fighter, reposition a drone, and authorise a strike. In today’s promising technological era, he does not even need an operations room; a laptop on his desktop will suffice. The situation looks promising as it offers efficiency, precision, and control. The term used for such operational control is ‘centralisation’, which has been made possible with advanced networking, integrating space, cyber, surveillance, artificial intelligence, and seamless communication, enabling a single commander to manage an entire campaign from a single node. Centralised command and control, championed by the Western air forces and then adopted by many others, has thus been seen as a pinnacle of modern military power.
The concept of centralisation, enabled by state-of-the-art networking, may seem promising, but it is nothing more than a myth.

Read More »