NanoTechnology -Maheen Shafeeq- Article thematic Image

Emerging technologies such as AI, robotics and cyber have been in the limelight in defence and military domains since the 1950s; however, nanotechnology has not had a fair share of publicity. The global nanotechnology industry has a rapidly expanding market with an estimated worth of USD 2.4 billion in 2021 and is forecasted to reach USD 33.7 billion by 2030. This is due to the growing use of nanotechnology in various sectors such as urban farming, precision agriculture, medical, engineering, energy, security, defence, environment etc. While nanotechnology has proven tremendously beneficial for the civilian sector, it has valuable offerings for the military industry as well.

Nanotechnology is being used to develop nanoweapons which are miniaturised versions of weapons ranging from about 1-100 nanometres. A practical example of this is evident in the reduction of drone size from about 4 feet to the size of a honey bee. Such weapons would fit in the bags and pockets of the soldiers. Louis A. Del Monte, in his book ‘Nanoweapons: A Growing Threat to Humanity’, commented on the size of nanoweapons and termed them ‘nanobots’ with destructive potential.

The reduced size and enhanced spectrum of nanotechnology have allowed the development of highly sensitive nano-thermal and chemical sensors that can be of great value to military operatives. Nano-communication devices can be an effective tool for surveillance missions. For instance, nanotechnology has allowed video tracking and monitoring using 35x optical zoom nano multi-eye lens, real-time nano-radar and nano-eye cloud storage. Such technologies could be helpful for militaries to operate even in bad weather conditions and work around blind spots. Additionally, nanocomposite materials have good potential for the aerospace industry due to their lightweight and extended durability under high pressure and at high speed. Nanotechnology could also significantly impact space-based intelligence, communication, imaging and signal processing. In the longer run, most military technologies would be dependent on nanomaterials. Nanotechnology is also being evaluated for its use in unmanned platforms and robots. The applications of nanotechnology could also enable the development of  mini-nukes, weighing about five pounds and carrying an explosive power of 100 tonnes of TNT. Such an evolution in weapons can provide a competitive edge to the militaries around the world

To ensure a competitive edge, arms exporters are under tremendous pressure to outrun the others in winning this global nano-arms race. There is significant competition between the United States (US) and China in nanotechnology. By comparing the two countries’ progress in nanotechnology using documented and published research, it can be established that China is ahead of the US, with more than 42% of globally published research articles (about 85,700) on nanotechnology. However, Louis A. Del Monte, in his book titled ‘Genius Weapons’, claimed that the US enjoyed a ‘substantial lead’ in nanoweapons. He stated that this was a critical component of its ‘Third Offset Strategy.’ Conversely, he was also wary that the world would catch up with the US’ technological developments within a few years. Countries like India, Iran, South Korea, Germany, Japan, United Kingdom (UK) and Russia have shown great interest in nanotechnology.

India, in particular, is right behind the US and China in nanotechnology. Indian Defence Research and Development Organization (DRDO) has established several nanotechnology research institutes to pursue interdisciplinary research. Institutes such as the Centre for Nanoscience & Nanotechnology (UIEAST)  in 2005, Centres of Excellence in Nanoelectronics (CEN) since 2006, Centre for Nano Science and Engineering (CeNSE) in 2010, Nanoscience Centre for Optoelectronics and Energy Devices (Nano-COED), and several other research labs are working in various areas of nanotechnology. Furthermore, India is also the third-largest producer of research papers on nanotechnology, behind China and US. Additionally, employees of DRDO have published books on the subject, such as a book on ‘Nanotechnology for Defence Applications’, which discusses the potential of nanotechnology for the defence sector. The Indian defence forces have been eager to deploy nanotechnology on the battlefield and are working to propose a blueprint for its use in future warfare.

The Government of Pakistan founded the National Commission on Nano Science and Technology (NCNST) to assist universities and research centres in establishing nanoscience labs. There is tremendous potential for the development of nanotechnology in the private sector. Moreover, there are a few universities that have established research centres to conduct nanotechnology research. Despite these initiatives, the potential of nanotechnology in Pakistan has not been explored fully. Apart from lack of capital and human resource, Pakistan’s weak patent distribution is also one primary reason for this lag. The concentration of patents within the weapon-developing states limits the interested states such as Pakistan. To address this bottleneck, there is a need to fund the representation of Pakistani patents at international nanotechnology conferences and markets. This would assist in securing space for learning and sharing of knowledge as well as prowling commercial contracts, which could become a great source of revenue for Pakistan. Although less spoken of, nanotechnology is a fast-emerging province of knowledge and could significantly impact the future of warfare across the globe.

Maheen Shafeeq is a researcher at the Centre for Aerospace & Security Studies (CASS), Islamabad, Pakistan. She holds a master’s degree in International Relations from the University of Sheffield, UK. The article was first published in published in Modern Diplomacy. She can be reached at [email protected]

Image Credit: Online Sources


Share this article

Facebook
Twitter
LinkedIn

Recent Publications

Browse through the list of recent publications.

The Cover-up: IAF Narrative of the May 2025 Air Battle

Even after one year since the India-Pakistan May war of 2025, the Indian discourse regarding Operation Sindoor remains uncertain under its pretence of restraint. The Pahalgam attack on 22 April, which killed 26 people, triggered an escalatory spiral. New Delhi quickly accused Pakistan-linked elements, while Islamabad refuted the allegation and demanded an independent investigation. On 7 May, India launched attacks deep inside Pakistan under what it later termed as Operation Sindoor. The political motive was intended to turn the crisis into coercive signalling by shifting the blame onto the enemy and projecting a sense of military superiority.
This episode, however, began to fray immediately as war seldom follows the intended script. Within minutes PAF shot down 7 IAF aircraft including 4 Rafales. On 8 May, Reuters reported that at least two Indian aircraft were shot down by a Pakistani J-10C, while the local government sources reported other aircraft crashes in Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir

Read More »

Why the IAF’s Post-Sindoor Spending Surge is a Sign of Panic

After Operation Sindoor, India is spending billions of dollars on new weapons. This is being taken by many people as an indication of military prowess. It is not. This rush to procure weapons is in fact an acknowledgement that the Air Force in India had failed to do what it was meant to do. The costly jets and missiles that India had purchased over the years failed to yield the promised results.

Sindoor was soon followed by India in sealing the gaps which the operation had exposed. It was reported that Indian Air Force (IAF) is looking to speed up its purchases of more than 7 billion USD. This will involve other Rafale fighter jets with India already ordering 26 more Rafales to the Navy in 2024 at an estimated cost of about 3.9 billion USD. India is also seeking long-range standoff missiles, Israeli loitering munitions and increased drone capabilities. Special financial powers of the Indian military were activated to issue emergency procurement orders. The magnitude and rate of these purchases speak volumes.

Indian media and defence analysts have over the years considered the Rafale as a game changer. When India purchased 36 Rafales aircrafts at an approximate cost of 8.7 billion USD, analysts vowed that the aircraft would provide India with air superiority over Pakistan. Operation Sindoor disproved all those allegations. Indian aircraft did not even fly in Pakistani airspace when the fighting started. India solely depended on standoff weapons that were launched at a safe distance. The air defence system of Pakistan, comprising of the HQ-9 surface-to-air missile system and its own fighters, stood its ground.

Read More »

May 2025: Mosaic Warfare and the Myth of Centralised Air Power

Visualise a modern-day Air Force commander sitting in the operations room, miles away from the combat zone, overseeing every friendly and enemy aircraft and all assets involved in the campaign. In a split second, he can task a fighter, reposition a drone, and authorise a strike. In today’s promising technological era, he does not even need an operations room; a laptop on his desktop will suffice. The situation looks promising as it offers efficiency, precision, and control. The term used for such operational control is ‘centralisation’, which has been made possible with advanced networking, integrating space, cyber, surveillance, artificial intelligence, and seamless communication, enabling a single commander to manage an entire campaign from a single node. Centralised command and control, championed by the Western air forces and then adopted by many others, has thus been seen as a pinnacle of modern military power.
The concept of centralisation, enabled by state-of-the-art networking, may seem promising, but it is nothing more than a myth.

Read More »