relevant_image

Pakistan is blessed with a geographical location, which makes it an extremely important player in the entire region in general, and South Asia in particular. Pakistan’s geography, its topographical features and its access to warm waters of the Arabian Sea make it uniquely attractive to the international players of the past, present, and future. Unfortunately, successive governments in Pakistan failed to correctly visualise the importance of its geographical location. Therefore, it could not effectively sell the idea of transnational connectivity, and a cost-effective economic corridor for Russia, Afghanistan and the Central Asian States.

However, when China started its journey of development in the late 1970s under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, it initially concentrated on the development of the “Pearl River Delta (close to Hong Kong), the Yangtze River Delta surrounding Shanghai, and the Bohai Bay region near Beijing.” But, to ensure a uniform development across its wide territory, China soon started to invest in its least-developed western regions, for which it needed access to nearby ports because the only available sea route through Malacca Straits would have taken much longer, and was not cost-effective at all. Although China managed to develop its western regions through the same route for the sustenance and initiation of One Belt One Road (OBOR), China looked towards Pakistan’s strategically located Gwadar Port on the Arabian Sea.

Pakistan responded positively to China’s OBOR initiative and signed numerous projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which has since then become a flagship project of the OBOR. While the selection of projects and contractual obligations under the CPEC has been hotly debated in Pakistan, one thing is for sure: Pakistan has started to make good use of its otherwise dormant strategic relevance due to its location.

Pakistan has started to make good use of its otherwise dormant strategic relevance due to its location.

The regional countries have now been invited and shown interest in joining the CPEC, while the extra-regional players have shown reservations about the increased influence of China on Pakistan’s fragile economy. The US has been critical of CPEC, primarily due to China’s presence on the strategic Gwadar Port, and threatened to sanction some Chinese entities involved in certain projects in Pakistan.

Pakistan has now started to realise that its strategic location can be best used away from geostrategic significance to geo-economic importance, and therefore, offers regional connectivity to the countries within the region and beyond. The various infrastructure projects under the CPEC, which would provide better means of communication between major cities of Pakistan, are near completion. Pakistan has started to offer the regional countries an opportunity to invest in numerous purpose-built Special Economic Zones (SEZs), being established across the country.

This article is aimed at highlighting the strategic relevance of Pakistan from the viewpoint of geo-economics, and Pakistan’s initiatives of establishing SEZs, to attract foreign investment to enhance its importance in the region as a major player. Some of the important SEZs include Rashakai Economic Zone (REZ), located near Nowshera in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), which offers investments in “Garment and Textile Products, Home Building Materials, General Merchandise, Electronics and Electrical Appliances, and Automobile and Mechanical Equipment.”

Another important and largest SEZ is Allama Iqbal Industrial City (AIIC), Faisalabad-Punjab, which is Pakistan’s textile hub and offers investment opportunities for multiple businesses including automobiles, cellular technologies, pharmaceuticals, and textiles etc.

While REZ and AIIC have established a few production units, other SEZs are to be established in Islamabad, Dhabeji-Sindh, Bostan-Balochistan, Port Qasim-Sindh, Mirpur-AJK, Mohmand-erstwhile FATA now KP, and Moqpondass – in Gilgit-Baltistan (GB), are various stages of approval and developments.

Whereas the initiative to adopt a definite direction towards geo-economics is appreciable, the leadership may be mindful that the opportunity is not lost in the domestic politicisation of the concept. The national interests of Pakistan must remain supreme while deciding the projects and negotiating the conditions of investments with foreign states and entities. Moreover, the bureaucratic delays often dissuade the investors. Thus, efforts may be made to ensure the entire process is transparent and relatively free of unnecessary hurdles.

The leadership may be cognizant of the fact that Pakistan’s strategic location would continue to attract global players for the sake of geostrategic reasons, even if it decides not to side with any particular power in geopolitical contestation. Therefore, it is incumbent upon the politico-military leadership of Pakistan that it is not perceived as part or proxy of a major regional player, so that it can truly maintain its strategic relevance as a transnational corridor for all regional and extra-regional states.

The writer is a published author and presently working as Director Centre for Aerospace & Security Studies (CASS). This article was first published in Daily Times. He can be reached at [email protected].

Image Source: Etfa Khursheed 


Share this article

Facebook
Twitter
LinkedIn

Recent Publications

Browse through the list of recent publications.

The Cover-up: IAF Narrative of the May 2025 Air Battle

Even after one year since the India-Pakistan May war of 2025, the Indian discourse regarding Operation Sindoor remains uncertain under its pretence of restraint. The Pahalgam attack on 22 April, which killed 26 people, triggered an escalatory spiral. New Delhi quickly accused Pakistan-linked elements, while Islamabad refuted the allegation and demanded an independent investigation. On 7 May, India launched attacks deep inside Pakistan under what it later termed as Operation Sindoor. The political motive was intended to turn the crisis into coercive signalling by shifting the blame onto the enemy and projecting a sense of military superiority.
This episode, however, began to fray immediately as war seldom follows the intended script. Within minutes PAF shot down 7 IAF aircraft including 4 Rafales. On 8 May, Reuters reported that at least two Indian aircraft were shot down by a Pakistani J-10C, while the local government sources reported other aircraft crashes in Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir

Read More »

Why the IAF’s Post-Sindoor Spending Surge is a Sign of Panic

After Operation Sindoor, India is spending billions of dollars on new weapons. This is being taken by many people as an indication of military prowess. It is not. This rush to procure weapons is in fact an acknowledgement that the Air Force in India had failed to do what it was meant to do. The costly jets and missiles that India had purchased over the years failed to yield the promised results.

Sindoor was soon followed by India in sealing the gaps which the operation had exposed. It was reported that Indian Air Force (IAF) is looking to speed up its purchases of more than 7 billion USD. This will involve other Rafale fighter jets with India already ordering 26 more Rafales to the Navy in 2024 at an estimated cost of about 3.9 billion USD. India is also seeking long-range standoff missiles, Israeli loitering munitions and increased drone capabilities. Special financial powers of the Indian military were activated to issue emergency procurement orders. The magnitude and rate of these purchases speak volumes.

Indian media and defence analysts have over the years considered the Rafale as a game changer. When India purchased 36 Rafales aircrafts at an approximate cost of 8.7 billion USD, analysts vowed that the aircraft would provide India with air superiority over Pakistan. Operation Sindoor disproved all those allegations. Indian aircraft did not even fly in Pakistani airspace when the fighting started. India solely depended on standoff weapons that were launched at a safe distance. The air defence system of Pakistan, comprising of the HQ-9 surface-to-air missile system and its own fighters, stood its ground.

Read More »

May 2025: Mosaic Warfare and the Myth of Centralised Air Power

Visualise a modern-day Air Force commander sitting in the operations room, miles away from the combat zone, overseeing every friendly and enemy aircraft and all assets involved in the campaign. In a split second, he can task a fighter, reposition a drone, and authorise a strike. In today’s promising technological era, he does not even need an operations room; a laptop on his desktop will suffice. The situation looks promising as it offers efficiency, precision, and control. The term used for such operational control is ‘centralisation’, which has been made possible with advanced networking, integrating space, cyber, surveillance, artificial intelligence, and seamless communication, enabling a single commander to manage an entire campaign from a single node. Centralised command and control, championed by the Western air forces and then adopted by many others, has thus been seen as a pinnacle of modern military power.
The concept of centralisation, enabled by state-of-the-art networking, may seem promising, but it is nothing more than a myth.

Read More »