WhatsApp_Image_2022-02-28_at_4.24_.27_PM_

Let me first explain the acronym, MESACA. It stands for “Middle East-South Asia-Central Asia.” Expanding regional connectivity between MESACA can prove to be a game-changer, particularly for the relatively poor performing states. It is important to mention that Iran and few West Asian countries have been included as a part of MESACA due to their geographical location.

MESACA is comprised of geographical regions; spanning from the western tip of the Asian part of Turkey to the Gulf of Aden in the South, moving eastward till Bay of Bengal, and up north touching the southern boundaries of Russia. The regional boundaries, as explained above, are home to nearly half of the world’s population, with huge reserves of hydrocarbons, glacial mountains, important international Sea Lines of Communications (SLOCs), including the much-desired warm water ports, vast expanse of agricultural lands, and relatively favourable climatic conditions.

The historic bonds between these regional states date back to the pre-historic era of trade and travel well before their religious linkages made them inseparable. However, the entire region suffered immensely on account of colonialism even after the state boundaries had been defined in Europe following the conclusion of the Treaty of Westphalia.

South Asia can have its own SAARC Highway as and when India decides to become part of the project.

In the fast-evolving global order, regional connectivity of the MESACA region becomes even more important due to its proximity with a resurgent Russia and ever-rising China. The Pakistani port of Gwadar, being developed by China as part of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which is a flagship project of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), connects all three regions through the shortest possible logistics lines.

China’s ever-expanding capacity of exporting goods and services to the rest of the world starts from its west and following the land route in Pakistan reaches the Gwadar Port in the shortest possible time. From Gwadar, the sea route can be used to reach the Middle East, Africa, and the ASEAN region. Likewise, Russia and the Central Asian Republics (CARs) can route via Afghanistan to the coveted warm water port of Gwadar for the dispatch and reception of goods and services respectively. South Asia can have its own SAARC Highway as and when India decides to become part of the project, which would be far more beneficial for the latter than any other country of the region. The SARRC Highway may be built from the western tip of Afghanistan, going through Pakistan and entering into India via the traditional Grand Trunk (GT) Road till the eastern tip of Bangladesh into Myanmar.

Likewise, goods and services from Africa and the Middle East, including hydrocarbons, can find a passage through Gwadar Port all the way up to China, India, and Bangladesh, which are some of the largest consumer markets. Speedy logistics means relatively cheaper goods and services for the future of MESACA and the world.

MESACA is comprised of some of the very important regional states. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is rich in oil and is home to the holiest places for Muslims. Iran is another important state which connects the Middle East with South Asia and is one of the largest gas producers in the world. Pakistan is the second-largest Islamic state and a nuclear weapon state in the region. India is the second-largest country in the world with nuclear capability and global ambitions. It is one of the largest producers of goods and services, with expertise in information technology. It is also one of the largest consumer societies due to its billion-plus population. Likewise, some of the CARs are extremely rich in minerals and natural resources. Historical richness notwithstanding, CARs can act as a bridge between South Asia, Russia and Europe. Turkmenistan is one of the largest gas producers and can supply desperately needed energy to Afghanistan, Pakistan and India. Final negotiations with the new Taliban-led Afghan government on the 1,814km Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) is in the final stages. Once concluded, Turkmenistan would supply the most economical energy to these energy-starved countries.

MESACA has immense potential, both as a producer as well as a consumer. Interconnectedness of people from MESACA through history, culture and geography with China and Russia—global players in their own right—can prove to be a massive game-changer in the coming decades. 

Dr Zia Ul Haque Shamsi is the author of ‘Nuclear Deterrence and Conflict Management Between India and Pakistan’ (2020) and ‘South Asia Needs Hybrid Peace’ (2021). He is presently working as Director at the Centre for Aerospace & Security Studies (CASS), Islamabad, Pakistan. The article was first published in Daily Times. He can be reached at [email protected].


Share this article

Facebook
Twitter
LinkedIn

Recent Publications

Browse through the list of recent publications.

The Cover-up: IAF Narrative of the May 2025 Air Battle

Even after one year since the India-Pakistan May war of 2025, the Indian discourse regarding Operation Sindoor remains uncertain under its pretence of restraint. The Pahalgam attack on 22 April, which killed 26 people, triggered an escalatory spiral. New Delhi quickly accused Pakistan-linked elements, while Islamabad refuted the allegation and demanded an independent investigation. On 7 May, India launched attacks deep inside Pakistan under what it later termed as Operation Sindoor. The political motive was intended to turn the crisis into coercive signalling by shifting the blame onto the enemy and projecting a sense of military superiority.
This episode, however, began to fray immediately as war seldom follows the intended script. Within minutes PAF shot down 7 IAF aircraft including 4 Rafales. On 8 May, Reuters reported that at least two Indian aircraft were shot down by a Pakistani J-10C, while the local government sources reported other aircraft crashes in Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir

Read More »

Why the IAF’s Post-Sindoor Spending Surge is a Sign of Panic

After Operation Sindoor, India is spending billions of dollars on new weapons. This is being taken by many people as an indication of military prowess. It is not. This rush to procure weapons is in fact an acknowledgement that the Air Force in India had failed to do what it was meant to do. The costly jets and missiles that India had purchased over the years failed to yield the promised results.

Sindoor was soon followed by India in sealing the gaps which the operation had exposed. It was reported that Indian Air Force (IAF) is looking to speed up its purchases of more than 7 billion USD. This will involve other Rafale fighter jets with India already ordering 26 more Rafales to the Navy in 2024 at an estimated cost of about 3.9 billion USD. India is also seeking long-range standoff missiles, Israeli loitering munitions and increased drone capabilities. Special financial powers of the Indian military were activated to issue emergency procurement orders. The magnitude and rate of these purchases speak volumes.

Indian media and defence analysts have over the years considered the Rafale as a game changer. When India purchased 36 Rafales aircrafts at an approximate cost of 8.7 billion USD, analysts vowed that the aircraft would provide India with air superiority over Pakistan. Operation Sindoor disproved all those allegations. Indian aircraft did not even fly in Pakistani airspace when the fighting started. India solely depended on standoff weapons that were launched at a safe distance. The air defence system of Pakistan, comprising of the HQ-9 surface-to-air missile system and its own fighters, stood its ground.

Read More »

May 2025: Mosaic Warfare and the Myth of Centralised Air Power

Visualise a modern-day Air Force commander sitting in the operations room, miles away from the combat zone, overseeing every friendly and enemy aircraft and all assets involved in the campaign. In a split second, he can task a fighter, reposition a drone, and authorise a strike. In today’s promising technological era, he does not even need an operations room; a laptop on his desktop will suffice. The situation looks promising as it offers efficiency, precision, and control. The term used for such operational control is ‘centralisation’, which has been made possible with advanced networking, integrating space, cyber, surveillance, artificial intelligence, and seamless communication, enabling a single commander to manage an entire campaign from a single node. Centralised command and control, championed by the Western air forces and then adopted by many others, has thus been seen as a pinnacle of modern military power.
The concept of centralisation, enabled by state-of-the-art networking, may seem promising, but it is nothing more than a myth.

Read More »