China’s Economic Slowdown and the Fate of the World Economies - Zahra - Article thematic Image - Dec copy

As economies throughout the world continue to grapple with the challenges brought about by the repercussions of the Russia-Ukraine war, global interest rate shocks, long-term ramifications of COVID-19, and natural disasters, China’s economic slowdown has sparked additional fears. Given the country’s deep integration with the world economy, any significant internal financial crisis is bound to send shockwaves to the rest of the world, particularly to developing countries and emerging market economies.

Over the past 40 years, China witnessed remarkable economic growth. Following Beijing’s landmark reforms involving liberalising trade and Foreign Direct Investment and bringing market incentives to the agricultural and manufacturing sectors, the country recorded a yearly average real growth of 9% and 13% during several peak years. However, in recent times, China’s period of growth appears to be on a downward trajectory. This economic slowdown has resulted from a combination of several factors – the majority of which are home-grown.

While the rest of the world gradually returned to normalcy, the Chinese government has been the last one that continues to maintain a strict anti-COVID regime, which relies on a zero-COVID strategy aimed at detecting and eliminating virus cases before they spread. This has taken a massive toll on the country’s economy, leading to business closures, reducing investor confidence and consumer consumption, and using up resources. Moreover, the recent real estate crisis, which was also partly augmented by the zero-COVID policy, added fuel to fire as the property sector accounts for 24% of the country’s GDP. The crisis was driven by the Chinese government’s clampdown on borrowing by developers beginning in August 2020, which left the debt-laden developers without cash to complete the construction of pre-sold properties and led many mortgage-holders to boycott their mortgages.

Additionally, in recent times, major Chinese tech companies have been reporting massive losses, attributed to COVID controls, the introduction of tough regulatory measures, and the US-China tech war. The latter has led major Chinese technology firms to be placed on the export blacklist by the US and restricted Beijing’s access to manufacturing tools and chips used to make semiconductors. Thus, it is no surprise that the World Bank has forecasted the Chinese GDP to grow by 2.8% in 2022, while the International Monetary Fund estimated it to grow by 3.2%. For months, economists and scholars have warned that a slow-motion financial crisis is unfolding in the country.

Given China’s level of integration with the world economy, it would be folly to assume that the impact of any financial crisis in the People’s Republic would remain limited to the Chinese mainland only. Research shows that in the scenario of an adverse financial crisis, advanced economies outside the US would suffer a GDP decline of approximately 1.5 percentage points, while emerging markets as a group would suffer a drop of 2-3 percentage points. Of the emerging markets, the hardest hit economies would be those highly dependent on exporting to China. In particular, the GDP decline in the commodity-exporting emerging markets would amount to 3 percentage points in two years. On the other hand, in the scenario of a severe financial crisis similar to the American housing bubble burst of 2006, the emerging market economies altogether would see their GDP decline by approximately six percentage points. The impact would be akin to the effects of the Global Financial Crisis of 2007. Arguably, GDP decline could be even higher under the present circumstances as countries struggle to recover from a series of crises and the global economy stands at a critical juncture with the fears of recession looming.

Hence, it would not be an overstatement to contend that the fate of the world economies today remains partly dependent on Beijing’s ability to bring its economic slowdown to a halt, and eventually reverse its course. In recent days, some relaxation of the COVID restrictions and introduction of a rescue package for the property sector, involving measures such as credit support for over-leveraged property developers, is a welcome development and would provide some respite to the distressed economy. However, any meaningful relaxation of the zero-COVID policy does not appear in sight and will continue to weigh heavily on the economy. Moreover, tech regulation remains in place, and the US-China tech war continues unabated.

Policymakers in Beijing and Washington need to realise that their policies have implications for the world’s eight billion people – all worthy of respect and consideration as the long-forgotten moral ideal of cosmopolitanism, asserts. Hence, any domestic and international policies they adopt should be cognizant of global implications.

Zahra Niazi is a Research Assistant at the Centre for Aerospace & Security Studies (CASS), Islamabad, Pakistan. The article was subsequently published in The News International. She can be reached at [email protected].


Share this article

Facebook
Twitter
LinkedIn

Recent Publications

Browse through the list of recent publications.

The Cover-up: IAF Narrative of the May 2025 Air Battle

Even after one year since the India-Pakistan May war of 2025, the Indian discourse regarding Operation Sindoor remains uncertain under its pretence of restraint. The Pahalgam attack on 22 April, which killed 26 people, triggered an escalatory spiral. New Delhi quickly accused Pakistan-linked elements, while Islamabad refuted the allegation and demanded an independent investigation. On 7 May, India launched attacks deep inside Pakistan under what it later termed as Operation Sindoor. The political motive was intended to turn the crisis into coercive signalling by shifting the blame onto the enemy and projecting a sense of military superiority.
This episode, however, began to fray immediately as war seldom follows the intended script. Within minutes PAF shot down 7 IAF aircraft including 4 Rafales. On 8 May, Reuters reported that at least two Indian aircraft were shot down by a Pakistani J-10C, while the local government sources reported other aircraft crashes in Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir

Read More »

Why the IAF’s Post-Sindoor Spending Surge is a Sign of Panic

After Operation Sindoor, India is spending billions of dollars on new weapons. This is being taken by many people as an indication of military prowess. It is not. This rush to procure weapons is in fact an acknowledgement that the Air Force in India had failed to do what it was meant to do. The costly jets and missiles that India had purchased over the years failed to yield the promised results.

Sindoor was soon followed by India in sealing the gaps which the operation had exposed. It was reported that Indian Air Force (IAF) is looking to speed up its purchases of more than 7 billion USD. This will involve other Rafale fighter jets with India already ordering 26 more Rafales to the Navy in 2024 at an estimated cost of about 3.9 billion USD. India is also seeking long-range standoff missiles, Israeli loitering munitions and increased drone capabilities. Special financial powers of the Indian military were activated to issue emergency procurement orders. The magnitude and rate of these purchases speak volumes.

Indian media and defence analysts have over the years considered the Rafale as a game changer. When India purchased 36 Rafales aircrafts at an approximate cost of 8.7 billion USD, analysts vowed that the aircraft would provide India with air superiority over Pakistan. Operation Sindoor disproved all those allegations. Indian aircraft did not even fly in Pakistani airspace when the fighting started. India solely depended on standoff weapons that were launched at a safe distance. The air defence system of Pakistan, comprising of the HQ-9 surface-to-air missile system and its own fighters, stood its ground.

Read More »

May 2025: Mosaic Warfare and the Myth of Centralised Air Power

Visualise a modern-day Air Force commander sitting in the operations room, miles away from the combat zone, overseeing every friendly and enemy aircraft and all assets involved in the campaign. In a split second, he can task a fighter, reposition a drone, and authorise a strike. In today’s promising technological era, he does not even need an operations room; a laptop on his desktop will suffice. The situation looks promising as it offers efficiency, precision, and control. The term used for such operational control is ‘centralisation’, which has been made possible with advanced networking, integrating space, cyber, surveillance, artificial intelligence, and seamless communication, enabling a single commander to manage an entire campaign from a single node. Centralised command and control, championed by the Western air forces and then adopted by many others, has thus been seen as a pinnacle of modern military power.
The concept of centralisation, enabled by state-of-the-art networking, may seem promising, but it is nothing more than a myth.

Read More »